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VII PUCP International Archaeology Symposium:

Languages and Societies in Ancient Peru: Towards an Interdisciplinary Perspective

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Friday 28th — Sunday 30th August 2009
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú (pucp), Lima.

PresentationProgramme & SpeakersAbstracts



This event is a follow-up to the 2008 Symposium on Archaeology and Linguistics in the Andes held at the McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge. Given how novel this interdisciplinary approach is for Andean specialists in archaeology, linguistics and (pre)history, our key aim at this stage is to improve the essential definitions of core research issues of common interest to all disciplines, but on which no consensus yet exists.

• Many of the participants in the Cambridge symposium are invited again, as well as new speakers. Those present can be seen from the names of speakers in each theme, as detailed in the provisional programme below.

• While the Cambridge meeting was organized as a discussion workshop between specialist participants, for the PUCP symposium we plan more formal conference papers (c. 30 minutes plus 10 minutes' discussion) open to a public audience.

• Your abstracts are to be submitted by 30th April at the latest.

• These papers will then be published as Edition 14 of the Boletín de Arqueología PUCP.

• Suggested interdisciplinary reading is available on this separate webpage.

• The organizers are Peter Kaulicke and Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino (Lima), as well as Paul Heggarty and David Beresford-Jones (McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge), with the participation also of Professor Colin Renfrew (Cambridge).

• Funding is provided by the British Academy's UK-Latin American and Caribbean Link Programme and the pucp.

• As in previous symposia, the PUCP will in most cases not be able to pay for travel to, or accommodation in, Lima, although some funding will be available for conference meals and limited other contributions. Speakers will be contacted individually on their expenses.




Click on any underlined speaker's name to see an abstract of his or her paper.

I. Inauguration

• Welcome and inauguration (Rector of the PUCP)
• Words of welcome from:
— UK co-organisers, Drs Paul Heggarty and David Beresford-Jones
— Peruvian co-organisers: Drs Peter Kaulicke and Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino
• Inaugural paper: Prof. Colin Renfrew: Archaeology and Language in the Andes: Some General Models of Change

II. Sessions

II.1. From Origins to the Early Horizon

c. 3500 to 1700 bc [Late Preceramic or Final Archaic]
1700 to 800 bc [Initial Period or Early to Middle Formative]
800 to 200 bc [Early Horizon or Late to Final Formative]

The points of focus here are: the applicability of the hypothesis linking the spread of agriculture and languages; the possible exception presented by the Andean case; the threshold to major changes in the Early Horizon; the languages spoken during that period (Aymara, Quechua or others); and the precision of the archaeological chronology.

Tom Dillehay: An Empirical, Methodological, and Conceptual Appraisal of Linkages Between Andean Archaeology and Language
Peter Kaulicke: Algunas reflexiones sobre lenguas y sociedades en el Formativo
Richard Burger: The Chavin Horizon and the Expansion of Andean Languages: a Reconsideration of the Evidence
Krzysztof Makowski: Horizontes y cambios lingüísticos en la prehistoria de los Andes Centrales


II.2a. Early Intermediate Period to Middle Horizon

100 bc to ad 600 [eip] and ad 600 to 1000 [mh]

This is a core theme, as progressively more secure data become available for all disciplines. The archaeological background should define: core and more marginal areas; changes within these areas and the nature of the political network established between them during the MH; distribution mechanisms and directions; and the chronology. These archaeological data are to be set alongside those on the linguistic level, particularly the role of Aymaran and Quechuan contacts, both with one another and with other languages (either dominated or largely unaffected).

Kevin Lane: Herding Somewhere? Examining the Role of Agropastoralism in the Spread of Andean Languages
José Antonio Salas García: Relación entre las culturas arqueológicas y los idiomas de la Costa Norperuana
George F. Lau: Correspondences Between Languages and Ancient Cultural Developments in Peru's North-Central Highlands
Alexander Herrera: The ‛Voice of God' and the Languages of People: Oracles, Aural Regimes and Interregional Communication in Northern Peru During the First Millennium AD.
Shinya Watanabe: Continuidad y elementos foráneos en la cultura Cajamarca, Sierra Norte del Perú: el caso del Horizonte Medio
Charles Stanish & Alessandro Duranti: The Origin and the Distribution of Pukina and its Relation to Tiwanaku, Wari, Pucara and the Colla Polities


II.2b: Early Intermediate Period to Middle Horizon (continued)

Willem Adelaar: Dominance and interaction: Imagining the stages of Quechua-Aymaran convergence
William Isbell: Wari Archaeology and the Dispersal of the Various Quechuas
Susana Montesinos Tubée: Hipótesis sobre las relaciones Tiahuanaco y la lengua puquina
David Beresford-Jones & Paul Heggarty: Broadening Our 'Horizons': Towards A Cross-Disciplinary Prehistory of the Andes
Lars Fehren-Schmitz: Pre-Columbian population dynamics and cultural development in south coast Peru as revealed by analysis of ancient DNA


II.3: Late Intermediate Period to Late Horizon

ad 1000 to 1532

Ethnohistorical information now complements the archaeological record, offering the first clear hints of specific language distributions in the Central Andes. Chronologically, the collapse of the Middle Horizon polity and the emergence of the Inca empire form the complex background for dynamic changes: new polities both expand and decline, with varying impacts, not least on language expansions and concepts of ethnicity (reformulations of pre-Huari regional perspectives).

Luis Andrade Ciudad: De telares y sufijos: sobre la frontera norteña de la lengua culle
Chiara Barbieri, Paul Heggarty et al.: mtDNA Divergence Among Quechua, Aymara and Uro Populations of Lake Titicaca
Martti Pärssinen: Acontecimientos étnicos del territorio de Pacasa (Bolivia), durante el Intermedio Tardío (1000‒1450 D.C.)
Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino: Contactos lingüísticos puquina-aimara y quechua en el Noroeste del Collao


III. Concluding Remarks

• Summaries and conclusions, with the participation of:
Colin Renfrew, Willem Adelaar, Tom Dillehay y Paul Heggarty



Colin Renfrew

Archaeology and Language in the Andes: Some General Models of Change

This paper will review briefly the various models that have been proposed for language change and language replacement, from an archaeological perspective. In the Andes the farming/language dispersal model may well be of relevance; but so too may be other replacement models, such as élite dominance. The specific environmental features of the Andes region are evidently an important factor.

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Tom D. Dillehay

An Empirical, Methodological, and Conceptual Appraisal of Linkages Between Andean Archaeology and Language.

Several recent models in Andean and non-Andean studies have postulated direct relations between the dispersion of language families and archaeological cultures. One model emphasizes that expansive languages spread with the first farming societies; another model posits that the linkages between languages and cultures vary considerably and independently depending upon the circumstances. These and other models are reviewed in terms of the empirical, methodological, and conceptual parameters required to accept, modify, or reject them in the Andes. Brief case studies will be drawn from the Late Preceramic, Formative, and later periods.

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Peter Kaulicke
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú

Algunas reflexiones sobre lenguas y sociedades en el formativo

Con el fin de acercarse a la temática aludida, es preciso emprender una discusión detallada de las evidencias arqueológicas del Formativo dentro del espacio investigado (costa y sierra de norte, centro y sur del Perú) en su dinámica particular durante un lapso de un milenio y medio (aproximadamente 1600 a 200 a.C.). Asimismo se debe definir con la precisión posible que es lo que se entiende por el estilo Chavín en sus contextos particulares. Este enfoque conlleva una perspectiva regional en la que movimientos de diferente índole y motivación se pueden detectar tanto a nivel de intervalle como intravalle (costa) y sus contactos con las sierras colindantes. Se presentarán los casos de costa-sierra norte (Cupisnique y variantes), costa y sierra central ("Manchay" y variantes) y costa y sierra sur (Paracas y variantes). El problema Chavín se encuentra insertado dentro de esta perspectiva. En este panorama la dispersión de lenguas implica la presencia de varios idiomas interconectados sin el predominio necesario de uno de ellos en el sentido "panandino".

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Richard Burger

The Chavin Horizon and the Expansion of Andean Languages: a Reconsideration of the Evidence

This talk will examine the possibility that the Chavin phenomenon played a role in the expansion of one or both of dominant Andean languages. a possible model will be proposed and then considered in terms of its plausibility, given the history of language expansion elsewhere in the world. the chronological and geographical information currently available on the Chavin horizon will be reviewed and as it relates to our current understanding of linguistic history of Quechua and Aymara.

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Krzysztof Makowski
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú

Horizontes y cambios lingüísticos en la prehistoria de los Andes Centrales

En las primeras propuestas de reconstrucción de la historia lingüística de los Andes Centrales prehispánicos se ha dado un peso determinante a la expansión del hipotético imperio Huari como vehículo de la difusión del quechua bajo la influencia implícita de los modelos forjados en el marco de estudios sobre los idiomas indoeuropeos de la antigüedad y de sus lenguas generales, el griego y el latín. Es menester recordar que Huari no solo fue concebido como antecedente y símil de Tahuantinsuyu, sino que además se estaba a menudo comparando Huari y Tiahuanaco con el imperio romano del occidente y del oriente. A partir de la última década del siglo pasado nuevos enfoques han aparecido gracias al avance de las investigaciones arqueológicas. Se pone en tela de juicio tanto la larga duración de la hipotética expansión Huari, como la capacidad política del hipotético imperio para ejercer un control efectivo sobre la costa central y la costa norte. Por otro lado, queda cada vez más claro que las regiones culturales localizadas respectivamente en la costa y en la sierra norte del Perú, y en la sierra sur alrededor del área circum-lacustre de Titicaca, han conocido desarrollos con dinámicas y características diferentes entre el Periodo Precerámico Tardío y el Horizonte Medio. Finalmente, tanto el Horizonte Medio como el Horizonte Temprano, y en particular sus fases finales, pueden ser entendidos como épocas de crisis de re-estructuración que implican el incremento de la movilidad y la reconfiguración del mapa étnico y político. En el contexto de estos avances la comparación del mapa lingüístico de los Andes prehispánicos con la historia de las lenguas semíticas antiguas parece proporcionar ideas tanto o más interesantes que los estudios clásicos sobre la familia indo-europea.

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Kevin Lane
University of Manchester, UK

Herding Somewhere? Examining the Role of Agropastoralism in the Spread of Andean Languages

Much has been said of agriculture, especially maize, as a motor for the spread of languages in the New World. Yet, within South America, this predominantly coastal and agro-centric approach risks neglecting another important social and economic package ensconced in the Andes, that of camelid agropastoralism.
In this paper, I suggest that Andean language spread, particularly in the highlands, cannot be fully explained without considering the role pastoralism and its importance as a means of trans-Andean transportation had in shaping polities such as Tiwanaku. Camelid agropastoralism was a deep-time, highly specialised and successful adaptation that combined herding and guano production with the cultivation of high altitude crops such as kaniwa, quinua, maca, oca, olluco and especially the potato.
I posit that, through mechanisms such as trade, colonisation and war, this suite of animals and cultigens permitted the expansion of particular Andean cultures and their languages across swathes of the highlands. Thematically, this paper focuses primarily on the emergence of complex agro-pastoralism dating from at least the Early Intermediate Period (AD100-600) through to the Late Horizon (AD 1480-1532) in the Central Andean highlands.

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José Antonio Salas García
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú

Relación Entre las Culturas Arqueológicas y los Idiomas de la Costa Norperuana

El tema que desarrollaré es la relación que se pueda establecer entre las lenguas mochica y pescadora (o quingnam) y las culturas arqueológicas Chimú, Lambayeque, Moche y Cupisnique. Abordaré el asunto de manera interdisciplinaria, basándome en tres tipos de información, a saber: información lingüística, información histórica e información de tipo arqueológico. Desde el punto de vista lingüístico realizaré análisis de nombres propios que aparecen en los documentos y leyendas, sobre todo en la de Naymlap (en sus dos versiones) y en la de Taycanamo, con el ánimo de poder establecer zonas lingüísticas que a la postre relacionaré con los datos históricos y arqueológicos, a efectos de poder dar una explicación que tenga coherencia. Desde el punto de vista histórico revisaré los textos para poder determinar si los acontecimientos que aparecen en la información de archivo nos pueden permitir establecer una cronología aproximada. De igual manera, echaré mano de la información arqueológica para establecer si los restos materiales, permiten postular una continuidad cultural entre los grupos humanos que venimos estudiando.

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George F. Lau

Correspondences Between Languages and Ancient Cultural Developments in Peru's North-Central Highlands

This paper examines the large-scale cultural developments in Peru's north central highlands during the 1st millennium ad, with an emphasis on their implications for ancient language use and spread. Ancash is of special interest because of its long history of research, central geographic position in northern Peru, diversity in archaeological cultures, and the presence of a series of languages, many now extinct. Although the ethnohistoric record remains essential for providing a working model for the late pre-Hispanic linguistic picture, how far back in time it can usefully pertain to remains unclear. A range of material styles — especially ceramics, architecture and stone sculpture — will be discussed in relation to current known language distributions. During the 1st millennium, cultural interaction between north highland groups and their neighbours was very prominent during the beginning and the end of the Early Intermediate Period. The end of the Middle Horizon also saw intensive interaction and cultural transformations. Patterns of major language change, if any, should be sought in these periods.

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Alexander Herrera
Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá

The ‛Voice of God' and the Languages of People:
Oracles, Aural Regimes and Interregional Communication in Northern Peru During the First Millennium ad.

This paper addresses the interplay between the dominant aural regimes of north Andean ceremonial centres, the languages spoken by their respective religious specialists, and those of the people that converged upon them during the first millennium ad. The sounds of waylla kepa shell horns — Allison Paulsen's (1974) 'voice of God' — those emanating from underground sound canals at paramount ceremonial buildings (such as at Chavín de Huántar) and formal ritual speech are considered part of an increasingly specific communication continuum. Building back from the distribution of Quingnam in the coastal Nepeña Valley, Quechua in the highland section of the Santa Valley and Culle in the easternmost Yanamayo Valleys, as reconstructed from historic and toponym evidence, and drawing upon settlement pattern data from an archaeological transect across this section of the north-central Andes, long-term associations between soundscapes, languages, regional ceremonial centres and necropolii are suggested. The model put forward ties the distribution of languages and dialects to the oracular functions of divinities and mallki ancestor mummies, highlighting the scope and limits to the political manipulation of sensorial experience and perceived understandings as manifest in specific sounds, icons and types of architecture. Thus it is argued that religion and ancestor veneration played paramount roles in shaping the complex language mosaic of the Andes.

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Shinya Watanabe
Universidad Nanzan

Continuidad y Elementos Foráneos en la Cultura Cajamarca, Sierra Norte Del Perú: el Caso Del Horizonte Medio

En la región Cajamarca, sierra norte del Perú, se desarrolló la cultura Cajamarca caracterizada por la producción de la cerámica caolín, desde el período Intermedio Temprano hasta la llegada de los españoles. En la fase Cajamarca Inicial y Temprana (el período Intermedio Temprano) se veía el desarrollo autóctono sin tener mucho contacto con otras cultura, luego en la fase Cajamarca Media (el Horizonte Medio) aparecen los elementos foráneos en cerámica, arquitectura y tumba. Pensamos que eso se debe al movimiento de la gente bajo una condición política. En esta ponencia se presentan los datos de excavación de dos sitios arqueológicos del Horizonte Medio, El Palacio y Paredones, en el departamento de Cajamarca, considerando la relación entre Cajamarca y otras zonas. Distribución y movimiento de la gente en esta época sería una clave para reconstruir la distribución de lenguaje.

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Charles Stanish (UCLA) & Alessandro Duranti (UCLA)

The Origin and Distribution of Pukina and Its Relation to Tiwanaku, Wari, Pucara and the Colla Polities.

The 16th century distribution of Pukina, the third lengua general of Peru, curiously replicates the distribution of pre-Tiwanaku Pucara and post-Tiwanaku Sillustani pottery in the north, west and south-west of the Titicaca Basin. Sillustani pottery is clearly associated with the Colla señorío in the northern Titicaca Basin, enigmatically referred to by Sarmiento as an "empire". In this paper we propose to examine the relationship between earlier Tiwanaku expansion and the distribution of Pukina, a mixed language with characteristics of both Quechua grammar and proto-Aymara Jaqi vocabulary. We will use theoretical tools on bi- and multi-lingual language acquisition and choice as developed by scholars such as Sahlins and Kulick.

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Willem Adelaar
University of Leiden, Holanda

Dominance and interaction: Imagining the stages of Quechua-Aymaran convergence

Linguistic evidence shows that Quechua and Aymaran, the two main language groups of the Central Andean domain, share a long history of intensive contact and convergence, which led to an exceptionally high degree of structural parallelism. It also appears that other documented language groups of the area (Puquina and Uru-Chipaya) were only marginally involved in this process, or hardly at all (Mochica). The present contribution aims at a reconstruction of the historical stages that must be assumed in order to explain the unique situation of similarity that exists between Quechua and Aymaran. A first attempt will be made to link these successive stages to specific locations, chronology and archaeological evidence.

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William Isbell
State University of New York at Binghamton

Wari Archaeology and the Dispersal of the Various Quechuas

It has been proposed that the Wari Empire was the motor for the dispersal of Quechua — but which Quechuas and how? Currently linguists are more or less in agreement with the division of Quechua into Quechua I, as well as Quechua IIA, IIB and IIC, although these divisions are not as simple as formerly-popular branching models implied. What light does the archaeological record shed on possibilities for the dispersal of these various Quechuas? What areas of the central Andes were more and less influenced by Wari, and which were subject to processes most likely to have moved language? What is the chronology of material culture in the Huari heartland region that may inform on possible dispersals from northern Ayacucho? Although the archaeological record for the Peruvian central highlands is poorly known, this paper seeks to determine what can be learned and inferred about more and less likely dispersals of language from a Huamanga-Huancavelica homeland.

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Susana Montesinos Tubée
Master en Estudios Latinoamericanos y Amerindios, Universidad de Leiden — Holanda

Hipótesis Sobre las Relaciones Tiahuanaco y la Lengua Puquina

¿Qué papel jugó la lengua puquina en la pre-historia del Altiplano? ¿Qué factores influyeron en su rápida desaparición? ¿Por qué los primeros cronistas la consideraron una "lengua general" junto al quechua y el aimara? ¿Por su distribución geográfica o porque acaso fue la lengua de un importante civilización como Tiahuanaco?
La relación entre las "lenguas" y las "culturas" durante el período prehispánico genera ya suficientes incógnitas en el mundo académico, y la relación puquina y Tiahuanaco es una cuestión que se plantean varios arqueólogos y lingüistas en los estudios amerindios.
Esta ponencia planteará las hipótesis que rodean la relación Tiahuanaco y puquina basada en la distribución geográfica del idioma, la toponimia, su presencia en el callahuaya y la coincidencia entre la caída de Tiahuanaco en el siglo XI y la dispersión de los últimos grupos de hablantes de puquina entre los siglos XVI y XVIII. Ponencia que planteará más preguntas que respuestas.

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David Beresford-Jones & Paul Heggarty
McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge

Broadening Our 'Horizons': Towards A Cross-Disciplinary Prehistory of the Andes

Despite our disciplinary differences, archaeologists, linguists and geneticists share an ultimate goal common to us all: uncovering the same, single human past. Recent years have seen great strides taken towards a 'new synthesis' of these disciplines, and a more sophisticated methodology to shake off the stigma of the old, simplistic and discredited equations of language = culture = genes. Lively interdisciplinary debates are now advancing our understanding of all others of the world's 'cradles of civilisation', and beyond, It is high time that Andeanists too reawaken to the possibilities and potential of weaving archaeology and language together into a more coherent, holistic prehistory.
We outline some new methodological principles for how to go about the task, rooted in the nature of the relationship between languages and the human cultures and societies that speak them, especially the contexts and forces that can confer on either or both a propensity to expand.
At the grandest scale, we briefly consider why the early 'coming of agriculture' in the Andes apparently failed to drive any major, deep-time language dispersal. The answer may lie in certain Andean idiosyncrasies, which duly offer lessons for the much disputed 'agriculture-language hypothesis' elsewhere across the world.
We focus, however, on the chronology of more recent eras. Here, what historical linguistics can say — and with effective certainty — is firstly that in the millennium or two before the Incas, two great language families swept across the Central Andes, in certain geographical patterns and stages. And secondly, they could not have done so without being driven in the real world by strong expansive processes: in subsistence, demography, economy, prestige, social organisation, and raw power; precisely the processes whose traces archaeology serves to uncover. Despite the devil in the detail, that material culture record — when viewed at an appropriately broad scale — nonetheless attests to an alternation between 'Horizons' and 'Intermediate' periods. But what is the expected linguistic correlate of such a pattern?
Linguists have been able to reconstruct much of the history of the most widely spoken language family of the entire New World, Quechua; and (a little less) of its long-time partner and rival for linguistic dominance in the Andes, Aymara. Yet a consideration of our first principles in fact calls inescapably for a radical overturning of the traditional scenario for how and which of their great dispersals best correlate with the leading protagonists in the archaeological record: Chavín, Wari, Tiyawanaku, and Inca.
We review the alternative hypotheses sketched out at the Cambridge Symposium, and explore why it is Wari that emerges destined to play the lead role. But which language — or languages — did Wari speak and spread? And what might such a starring linguistic role have to say to archaeologists about the nature of the Wari Middle Horizon?

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Lars Fehren-Schmitz
Historical Anthropology and Human Ecology, Georg-August-University, Göttingen, Germany

Pre-Columbian population dynamics and cultural development in south coast Peru as revealed by analysis of ancient DNA

To what extent is cultural evolution in specific geographical areas influenced by processes in population dynamics (e.g. migration) — or does it influence migration behaviour? These questions are recurrent ones in archaeology, with chronologically varying perceptions. Recent developments in molecular genetics offer the opportunity of broadening the spectrum of methods supplied by archaeology and linguistics to differentiate between population movements and other possible mechanisms of cultural diffusion, by direct access to the main archive involved in such processes: man himself. By the use of palaeogenetic methods it becomes possible to uncover diachronic changes in the genetic composition of prehistoric populations.

I report on a study whose principal aim was to understand the development and decline of the southern Peruvian Nasca culture in the upper Rio Grande de Nasca drainage, and the cultural and biological affinities to the preceding Paracas culture. Ancient DNA analyses were conducted on over 200 pre-Columbian individuals from various cemeteries in the Palpa area, the Paracas-Peninsula and the adjacent Andean highlands, from periods ranging from the Formative Period to the Middle Horizon. The data obtained were compared against a large set of contemporary and ancient South American populations to reveal biological affinities across the southern Andes, and more broadly on the continental level.

Our results show clearly that the Nasca populations are close to those of the preceding Paracas culture from Palpa and the Peninsula, and combined with archaeological data suggest that the Nasca culture developed indigenously in the Rio Grande drainage. Furthermore, one can observe how changes in socioeconomic complexity in the Palpa area influence the genetic diversity of the local population. While we were able to establish the strong genetic affinity between pre-Columbian coastal populations of southern Peru, they there significantly different to ancient highland and all present-day Peruvian populations. The genetic differentiation between the main cultural areas of western South America seems to fade with the Middle Horizon, raising the question of to what extent this may be influenced by the emergence of the extensive highland empires in later South American prehistory, such as Wari and the Inca.

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Luis Andrade Ciudad

De Telares y Sufijos: Sobre la Frontera Norteña de la Lengua Culle

Un breve repertorio léxico del telar de cintura, recogido en Agallpampa (Otuzco, La Libertad), aporta evidencia contraria a la idea de que existió continuidad idiomática entre la zona de la extinta lengua culle y el centro del actual territorio de Cajamarca. En cambio, abona a favor de este planteamiento un hallazgo de orden gramatical: la identificación, en el castellano de Agallpampa, del sufijo diminutivo –ash– (como en cholasho 'cholito' y bebasho 'bebito'), sufijo que también ha sido registrado en zonas rurales de la capital cajamarquina. La ponencia plantea que para resolver esta aparente paradoja, es necesario pensar en términos de estratos lingüísticos. Los datos se discuten en el marco del debate abierto por Torero (1989) sobre la existencia de un idioma indígena particular de las provincias centrales cajamarquinas (la lengua den) y continuado por Adelaar (2004), quien ha recopilado ejemplos de comunidad léxica entre el núcleo de la zona culle y las palabras indígenas del quechua cajamarquino que no pueden ser atribuidas al fondo idiomático quechua. La discusión ensaya también una relectura de la información etnohistórica y los datos arqueológicos relativos al problema.

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Martti Pärssinen
Instituto Iberoamericano de Finlandia, Madrid y la Universidad de Helsinki, Finlandia

Acontecimientos étnicos del territorio de Pacasa, Bolivia, durante el Intermedio Tardío (1000‒1450 d.C.)

Las diferentes vasijas con rostros humanos de final de la época Tiwanaku (ca. 1.000 d.C.), encontrados recientemente en la Isla de Pariti, corroboran la teoría sobre la multietnicidad milenaria de la cuenca de lago Titicaca. Al parecer, en la antigua provincia de Pacasa que fue cuna de la cultura Tiwanaku, los pescadores hablaban básicamente uruquilla y puquina; los agricultores, puquina y aymara; y los pastores, básicamente aymara. Cuando el sistema estatal de Tiwanaku colapsó hacia el año 1.000 d.C., la capital fue abandonada casi por completo y, en consecuencia, se produjo un aumento impresionante del número de asentamientos en las regiones cercanas. Al mismo tiempo la cerámica de estilo Tiwanaku comenzó a desaparecer aunque, especialmente en la orilla sur del lago, el estilo sobrevivió hasta el final del siglo XIII. La adaptación del nuevo estilo de alfarería, conocido como Pacajes, fue más rápida en lugares como Caquiaviri y Machaca, donde se sustituyó el estilo tiwanacota ya en los siglos XI y XII. Curiosamente, a partir del siglo XIII en el que los jefes de los pueblos altiplánicos empezaron construir torres funerarias, chullpas, en el altiplano situado al sur de Titicaca, se puede observar una diferenciación en sus orientaciones. Mientras que la gran mayoría se orienta hacia el Este por sus vanos, en las orillas de Lago Titicaca la orientación es hacia el Oeste, Sur y Este, como la mayoría de las tumbas tiwanacotas situadas en la misma zona, según reflejan los estudios de Antti Korpisaari. Por ello, podemos sospechar que la orientación de las chullpas supone una diferenciación étnica entre los Aymara y Puquina. Tanto los topónimos a orillas del lago (como Quewaya y Tiraska), como algunas fuentes históricas dan razones para sospechar que, todavía en la época inca, el puquina era un idioma común a orillas del lago Titicaca, mientras el altiplano estaba dominado por los pueblos aymarahablantes.
En el siglo XIV, cuando los incas (Killke) y otros señoríos locales del Cuzco establecían sus contactos con los señoríos lacustres de Titicaca, surgió de forma paralela un intercambio de ideas e influencias estilísticas. Cuando los incas finalmente conquistaron Pacasa hacia el año 1450, las influencias eran todavía más notables, pero no unidireccionales. Los estilos de cerámica y arquitectura, así como la cosmovisión Pacasa con sus mitos relacionados con Tiwanaku, ejercieron una fuerte influencia en lo que sería conocido como el estado inca de Tawantinsuyu.

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Chiara Barbieri (1,2), Paul Heggarty(3) et al. (presented by Paul Heggarty)
1 Department of Experimental Evolutionary Biology, University of Bologna, Italy — Project on mtDNA variability in Native American populations
2 Max Planck Institute for Evolutionary Anthropology, Leipzig, Germany
3 McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, University of Cambridge, UK

mtDNA Divergence Among Quechua, Aymara and Uro Populations of Lake Titicaca

Over the centuries, the Titicaca basin has been the cradle of significant complex societies in the prehistory of South America. But as Andeanists have sought to weave together a comprehensive picture of the region's demographic past, one crucial piece in the interdisciplinary puzzle has been sorely lacking: human genetic data. This study seeks to contribute to the reconstruction of the archaeogenetic prehistory of the Titicaca basin, by offering a first sketch of the molecular-genetic profile of the region's indigenous population.
I first survey the various ways in which genetic data can be applied for the purposes of investigating prehistory. In particular I assess the pros and cons of using present-day dna samples, as in this study. These free us from the issues of preservation that limit ancient dna studies essentially to just identifying major haplogroup affiliations, data which unfortunately have proved frustratingly inconclusive in recently published work on ancient dna in the Andes. The modern data presented here enable us to go far beyond this, to levels of detail that allow far finer resolution in distinguishing populations.
We report on a sample, collected in field survey, of the first mtDNA HVSI sequences of the indigenous populations of the environs of Lake Titicaca, grouped by current or recent language affiliations. Over the centuries, the region has been home to speakers of several unrelated native linguistic lineages, though by now it has become very strongly majority Aymara and Quechua-speaking. Our sample, however, includes the first genetic data representative of the 'Water People', i.e. populations whose language was of the Uro family, now all but extinct from the environs of the Lake itself (although surviving further south in the Altiplano, among the Chipaya people). These data are from the populations of the lakeshore village of Ch'imu, where the Uro speech of the region was last recorded in the 20th century, and the 'floating reed islands' of the Lake itself.
We also combine our sample into a wide-ranging database of Amerindian populations, collated from previously published works, so as to clarify the genetic structure of the wider region and the place of our Titicaca samples within it. The results uncover a clear and intriguing signal that the population of Ch'imu stands out as distinct from the wider Andean context. The (more miscegenated?) population of the floating islands is intermediate between them and the wider Aymara-speaking majority, who themselves turn out to be little distinct from the population that today speaks Quechua in the same region. I close with some reflections on the intriguing repercussions that these findings hold out for our understanding of the region's demographic prehistory, and for the latest thinking among linguists and ethnohistorians of the Andes as to "who spoke which language, and when?" through the tumultuous demographic and linguistic history of the Titicaca region.

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Rodolfo Cerrón-Palomino
Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú

Contactos lingüísticos puquina-aimara y quechua en el noroeste del Collao

La presente ponencia parte de la aceptación de la hipótesis, ahora llamada tradicional, de la difusión del aimara, a partir de la región ayacuchana en dirección sureste, durante la expansión huari, ocurrida en el Horizonte Medio (600‒900 d.C.), seguido por el quechua, en su versión chinchaisuya, en la misma dirección sureste, esta vez vehiculizada por chinchas y chancas, hasta llegar a las puertas del Cuzco, en pleno Horizonte Tardío (1400‒1532 d.C.). Dentro de este cuadro cronológico, el puquina habría entrado en contacto con el aimara, en territorio cuzqueño, hacia fines del Intermedio Tardío (900‒1400 d.C.), y con el quechua, en el noroeste del Collao, tras las conquistas incaicas de dicha región. Nuestra argumentación, que busca armonizar la hipótesis de la difusión del aimara y del quechua en sus versiones sureñas y sus contactos con el puquina en tiempos y espacios diferentes, estará basada en evidencias de tipo lingüístico, arqueológico y etnohistórico, en el primer caso, y en el segundo, en ausencia de datos arqueológicos precisos, de inferencias de orden tanto lingüístico como etnohistórico.

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