TRAC 2006 SESSION
General Session III
Ben Croxford (University of Cambridge) bc256@cam.ac.uk
The TRAC General Session offers an opportunity for both young and
well-established researchers to present their work independent from any of
the themed sessions. This session encourages the continuation of interest
in the development of Roman archaeological studies, focussing on the role
of theoretical issues within this subject and showcasing examples of
current research.
Paper titles
John Manley (Sussex Archaeological Society/Dept of Social Anthropology, University of Sussex)
"Decoration and demon traps - the meanings of geometric borders in Roman mosaics"
Dr. Martin Pitts (University of Sheffield)
"The emperor's new clothes? The utility of identity in Roman archaeology"
Angela Wilson (Bournemouth University)
"The Symbolic Construction of the Healthy Self through Material Culture in Late Iron Age and Roman Britain"
M. Walsh (University of Southampton)
"Parasitic, piggy-back trade: ancient practice or modern myth?"
Mariana Egri (University of Cambridge)
"The use of amphorae for interpreting patterns of consumption"
Roderick Millar (University of British Columbia, Canada)
"Romano-British Shipping in the 2nd Century A.D."
Abstracts
"Decoration and demon traps - the meanings of geometric borders in Roman mosaics"
John Manley (Sussex Archaeological Society/University of Sussex)
The thousands of mosaics that survive from the Greek and especially Roman worlds are taken by many to be one of the great
surviving artistic hallmarks of these two classical civilisations. The decorative variety of the floors, made usually
and mostly from small stone tesserae, strike a chord with those who view them as 'works of art' (Neal and Cosh 2002, 9).
What I want to suggest in this paper is an alternative way of looking at mosaics. I want to argue that there is something
to be explained in the sheer constancy of mosaics through the Hellenistic and Roman periods - a period of some seven
centuries. By constancy I mean the enduring nature of the underlying and unchanging structural schema of mosaics
comprising geometric, abstract, complex borders framing one or more figurative emblemata. Stability needs its explanations
just as much as change does. I particularly want to focus on the abstract and geometric borders, - for example the meander,
the guilloche, the wave-pattern - and seek to understand why these motifs were utilised across the length and breadth of
the Roman Empire.
By looking at a few of the mosaics revealed by Barry Cunliffe at Fishbourne Roman Palace, and by drawing on some recent
anthropological studies concerning the agency of art, I argue that the geometric borders surrounding figurative panels
may have had more functions than simple decorative framing devices.
Reference
Neal, D.S. and Cosh, S.R. 2002. Roman Mosaics of Britain. Volume 1: Northern
Britain
"The emperor's new clothes? The utility of identity in Roman archaeology"
Dr. Martin Pitts (University of Sheffield)
This paper discusses the concept of identity as an increasingly popular research theme in Roman archaeology. The first
part provides an overview and critique of the issue in recent academic discourse in the sub-discipline, highlighting
some potential theoretical and methodological problems. I argue that, if pursued uncritically, there is a danger that
approaches to identity in the Roman Empire are reducible to the search for diversity for diversity's sake, and even
worse, that identity is simply read-off from archaeological remains in a culture-historical fashion. In the second part,
directions for future research on the topic are considered, emphasising the constitution of identity through dynamic
social practices, rather than a direct one-to-one relationship between identity and static material culture. I hope to
show that identity is best approached through the implementation of methodologies specifically designed to elucidate
aspects of social practice through archaeological evidence, rather than simply identifying variability in material
culture.
"The Symbolic Construction of the Healthy Self through Material Culture in Late Iron Age and Roman Britain"
Angela Wilson (Bournemouth University)
Concepts of health contain multiple dimensions. One that has received little attention in archaeology is that of
health and well-being. Supported by historical narrative, iconography and anthropology this paper works on the premise
that 'good' health formed part of late Iron Age and Roman peoples' social lives. Material finds from large settlements
during the late Iron Age and Roman periods that are commonly associated with personal use such as combs, make-up tools,
bath-flasks and unguent bottles are examined in relation to their chronological placement, decoration, appearance and
context. Underpinned by an interpretive position which includes material cultural theory and interdisciplinary models,
the objects are considered in light of perception, the body and the senses, the self and personhood. The findings
suggest that these items can be seen as indicators for the deliberate construction of the healthy body, spiritual
healthiness and as a means of memorialising the healthy self.
References
Cresswell, T. 2004. Place: a short introduction. Oxford: Blackwell.
Taylor, J. 1997. Space and Place: some thoughts on Iron Age and Romano-British landscapes. In A. Gwilt and C. Haselgrove (eds.) Reconstructing Iron Age Societies: new approaches to the British Iron Age, pp. 192-204. Oxford: Oxbow Books.
"Parasitic, piggy-back trade: ancient practice or modern myth?"
M. Walsh (University of Southampton)
This paper will present new evidence that challenges the long-held belief that samian and other common pottery types
were primarily distributed as parasitic commodities dependent upon the movement of other more valuable commodities.
This is seemingly corroborated by overwhelming evidence from Mediterranean shipwrecks on which pottery is frequently
subsidiary to a more significant cargo usually borne in amphorae. However, the vast majority of wrecks have been
discovered serendipitously; the disproportionate temporal and geographical representation has been acknowledged for
some time, but now the typological has been revealed. Only a tiny fraction (half of one per cent) of all Roman wrecks
found in the Mediterranean contain pottery cargoes. Five of the six wrecks containing bulk consignments of pottery
were only discovered during the investigation of other wrecks in accident blackspots where several vessels had sunk,
while the sixth wreck contained a composite cargo that included amphorae.
In this light the paucity of evidence for pottery cargoes appears to represent a detection bias in favour of amphora-laden
wrecks rather than an aversion to the shipment of bulk pottery cargoes in antiquity. In addition, most of these wrecks
were looted prior to archaeological investigation, which had serious implications for the quality of subsequent
publications. Only one pottery cargo from the Mediterranean has been fully published (Culip IV) but only in Catalan.
My research has focussed on the only maritime samian cargo from northern Europe recovered from the sea off the north
Kent coast; although the site has not yet been located, detailed analysis of the assemblage suggests that it represents
a bulk pottery consignment. The transportation of pottery in its own right has serious implications for the use of
pottery as a proxy for other more valuable commodities.
"The use of amphorae for interpreting patterns of consumption"
Mariana Egri (University of Cambridge)
The paper will compare the patterns that can be identified using two different methods of counting amphorae -
the number of individuals and the volume contained. The first system was used constantly within the analyses concerning
the wine or olive oil consumption in the Roman period. The number of amphorae counted for each site was mapped in order
to identify supply routes or to determine the service area for various production centres.
However, the number of individuals may not really help when one wants to identify patterns of consumption within different
sites or regions. This is mainly because first, each site provides regularly more than one type of amphorae for the same
commodity, in the same period of time, coming from different workshops or areas of the Roman Empire. Second, each type
of amphorae has a different volume, and comparing volumes instead of the number of individuals may reveal more patterns
of consumption.
For this discussion, a number of amphorae assemblages from some significant sites in the Lower Danube provinces, dated
between the 1st and the 2nd century AD, will be analysed using both systems.
"Romano-British Shipping in the 2nd Century A.D."
Roderick Millar (University of British Columbia, Canada)
From the archaeological record we know that substantial amounts of foodstuffs, raw materials, semi-processed materials
and finished manufactured goods were traded, both internally in Britain, and with Gaul, Germany and Spain. Within Britain
the trade involved both coastal voyages and inland waterways. Foodstuffs traded included very large quantities of cereals
as exports, and wine, olive oil, olives and garum as imports. Other imports were fine building stone, fine pottery and
glass. Jewellery and other luxury items were also imported, but the shipping space required would have been negligible.
In this paper, based on the best estimate of the British population and the amount of land under cultivation and its
productivity, the surplus of cereals available for export has been calculated, after meeting local civilian needs and
the provisioning of the Roman garrison. Estimates have also been made of the volume of imports, olive oil, wine, fine
pottery, fine and building stone, and of the shipping needed to move this traffic. Apart from grain, semi-processed
metals in the form of ingots of iron, lead, copper, silver and gold were significant exports. Small amounts of pottery
and some tiles were also exported.
The number of ships needed to carry the annual volume of cross-Channel trade and the local internal coasting trade around
Britain has been calculated, together with the cost of building, maintaining and manning the vessels. The Blackfriars
Ship 1 has been taken as typical for the seagoing trade to Gaul and the Rhine, and for the trade around the coasts of
Britain. Its cargo capacity has been estimated to be up to 50 tonnes of dressed stone, 36.4 tonnes of loose ragstone,
18.36 tonnes of grain, or 12 large wine barrels totaling 15.34 tonnes. A smaller vessel, the Barland's Farm boat, an
undecked boat suitable for use in estuaries and short coastal voyages could carry about 4.5 tonnes.
For internal movements on inland rivers and in sheltered estuaries it is suggested that flat-bottomed barges of the
Zwammerdam type in several sizes would have been used. The numbers needed and the costs of building and operating these
inland craft has also been calculated.
The costs of building and operating the waterborne trade has been calculated in terms of BEUs (Basic Economic Units).
This has been defined as the surplus produced by the peasant agriculturist above his own needs. This is a relatively
stable unit and is independent of the continuous devaluation of the Roman coinage in the Imperial period. The conclusion
reached is that the total cost of the waterborne transportation system was about 0.7% of the GDP.
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Last updated 13th March 2006 R.M.B.